Another Update on the Walker Case: More New Evidence and fighting over its use

Just filed today, our attempt at supplementing our motion for summary judgment with a newly-obtained “CAD” report from the Putnam County 911 center. Originally we were able to obtain a screenshot of the video which had originally been broadcasted on Facebook Live.  As soon as we received that, we sent a FOIA to Putnam County 911 citing the exact time, date and location, and they indeed had a record of the call.

So, looking at the actual CAD sheet, we were able to determine that the original 911 call only referenced a “man with a rifle,” – not a man with an “assault rifle,” as was the testimony. And more importantly, the time was conclusively established as around 6:00 p.m., and not in the “morning,” while “school was in session.” Here was the sworn testimony:

Q. Do you remember what the substance of the dispatch call was?

A. Basically, there was a guy walking down the road with an assault rifle.

But here’s the actual record:

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Another interesting thing…. Obviously in the video, the deputy accuses Michael of being a so-called “sovereign citizen.” I asked the deputy as follows during his deposition, which is of course, under oath:

Q. You con’t know who issued that report [the 2/23/18 BOLO characterizing plaintiff as a sovereign citizen] or who prepared that report?

A. I have no idea.

Q. And you don’t know how they came to get the information that Mr. Walker allegedly has sovereign citizen behavior?

A. I have no idea.

Q. That didn’t come from you?

A. No, sir.

Q. Did you tell anyone that Michael Walker was a sovereign citizen?

A. No, sir.

But here’s page 3 of the CAD sheet record from this encounter:

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As you can see, apparently the officer radioed dispatch at the conclusion of the encounter that they would probably receive more calls on a “sovereign citizen” carrying a gun. It’s odd that they didn’t already have this document before now, in which case they would have been required to provide it to us.

It’s still not a basis for reasonable suspicion under the holding of U.S. v. Black, for someone to open carry within a mile of a school, but it shows the supposed claim of Michael being a suspected school shooter as an after-thought legal strategy. As I indicated in my questioning about the “sovereign citizen” stuff during the deposition, on 2/23/18 – two days following this encounter, Putnam County Sheriff’s Office issued a “BOLO” to other police officers accusing Michael of being a “sovereign citizen” and being armed and dangerous. Following a BOLO such as this, officers would at that point have reasonable suspicion to go ahead and disarm him and search him during any interaction under Terry v. Ohio.

A Moonshine Bust in 1958 Gets a SCOTUS Smackdown – Yet, as of 2020, some in WV haven’t gotten the memo…

NOTE: A landlord cannot give you permission to search his tenant’s home for illegal stuff. Write that on the chalkboard, and repeat 100 times . . . .

In the 1961 U.S. Supreme Court case of Chapman v. United States, the Court was presented with the following scenario:

In 1958, acting without a search warrant, but with the consent of the suspect’s landlord, police officers entered the suspect’s home through an unlocked window, and searched the rental house. There they found an “unregistered distillery” and 1,300 gallons of “mash.”  Shortly afterwards, the suspect was indicted for violation of federal liquor laws.

A guy named Bridgaman owned a rental house in a wooded area, near Macon, Georgia. Since the house had been rented to a new tenant, on Sunday, February 16, 1958, Mr. Bridgaman went to the rental house, for the purpose of inviting his new tenants to attend church with him.  Upon arrival, he noted a strong “odor of mash” around the house. There was no response to his knock. He tried to look in the windows, but couldn’t see anything.

Being a good Christian, Mr. Bridgaman contacted two local police officers, who dutifully reported to his home. Together, the three went to Mr. Bridgaman’s rental house, where all three of them agreed that there was a strong “odor of mash.” They knocked on the door; but no response. They tried to look into the windows; but they couldn’t see anything. They checked to see if the windows were locked. They were all locked, except for one – the bathroom window.

According to the officers’ sworn testimony, the landlord, Mr. Bridgaman, gave them permission to climb in the window and see if the tenants were doing what he suspected they were doing, given the strong smell of moonshine in the making. So the officers climbed in the bathroom window.

After entering the home, one of the officers found 1,300 gallons of mash in the living room, and other than the mash, the rest of the house was empty – aside from the distillery and distilling accessories.

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The officer who found the moonshine operation, yelled out to the other about what he had found, and told him “to go get some help.” The other officer then left, taking the landlord home, and called the federal police to come to the scene.

However, before the feds could get there, the tenant arrived home.  He unlocked the door, walked inside, and was suddenly confronted by the police officer, still inside the house, who handcuffed him and arrested him.

When the other officers arrived at the scene, they saved samples of the mash, took pictures of the crime scene, inside the house, and then destroyed the moonshine still and destroyed the shine. There had never been a search warrant of any kind. The case went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Surprisingly, despite not having a search warrant, the government’s argument justifying their warrantless search, was that it was a rental property, and that the landlord, on a social call, noticed that the premises was being used for criminal purposes, and since he had the legal right to enter the premises as the landlord, “he should be able to exercise that right through law enforcement officers to whom he has delegated his authority.”

The SCOTUS immediately pointed out three problems with that argument: 1) the officer forced open a window to gain entry to the premises; 2) their purpose in entering was to search for distilling equipment, not to evaluate the status of the landlord’s property; and 3) if the SCOTUS were to allow such an intrusion, without a warrant, “would reduce the Fourth Amendment to a nullity and leave tenants’ homes secure only in the discretion of landlords.”

Gee . . . . Sounds familiar.

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Therefore, the Supreme Court of the United States found that the search was illegal, and thus began an extended progeny of federal cases, all based on the 1961 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Chapman v. U.S., written by Justice Charles E.Whittaker, who was appointed by President Eisenhower in 1957.

Chapman v. United States, 365 U.S. 610, 81 S.Ct. 776, 5 L.Ed.2d 828 (1961).

And here we are, in 2019-2020, and there are still LEOs in West Virginia, who apparently believed they were entitled to entitled to go search a house for drugs, just by virtue of supposedly asking a landlord if they can enter? Yes, 1961 was a long time ago, but the case has been cited in caselaw 670 times, by my count, since then, including as recently as 2015, here in the Fourth Circuit.

The Fourth Amendment protects “[t]he right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures.” U.S. Const. amend. IV. The Supreme Court has held that, with few exceptions, warrantless searches are “per se unreasonable” under the Fourth Amendment. Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, 357, 88 S.Ct. 507, 19 L.Ed.2d 576 (1967).

“At the very core of the Fourth Amendment stands the right of a man to retreat into his home and there be free from unreasonable governmental intrusion. With few exceptions, the question whether a warrantless search of a home is reasonable and hence constitutional must be answered no.” Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27, 31, 121 S.Ct. 2038, 150 L.Ed.2d 94 (2001) (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

And the protection of a house extends to apartments, rented rooms within a house, and hotel rooms so that a landlord may not give the police consent to a warrantless search of a rented apartment or room. See Stoner v. California, 376 U.S. 483, 490, 84 S.Ct. 889, 11 L.Ed.2d 856 (1964) (hotel room); Chapman v. United States, 365 U.S. 610, 616-17, 81 S.Ct. 776, 5 L.Ed.2d 828 (1961) (rented house). U.S. v. Stevenson, 396 F.3d 538 (4th Cir. 2005).

The Walker Open Carry Case Turns Into a Fight Over the “AR-15”

UPDATE 2/5/20: Here’s our reply to the defense theory of Anti-AR-15:

Central to the Reply is newly discovered evidence. The defendant police officers argued to the Court that even though there’s no indication of it from the video, they actually weren’t checking to see if Michael Walker was a person prohibited from possessing a firearm, but rather that he was a potential school shooter, because it was “morning,” and a school some undetermined distance down that road was “in session.”

Well, the video was originally broadcasted on Facebook Live. Somebody was able to go back and screenshot it, and as it turns out – oops – it was actually 6:00 p.m…. I guess that explains the crickets around the 2:50 mark on the video.

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So, here’s the response we received from Putnam County in response to our pretrial motion asking the Court to stop the Putnam County deputies from presenting anti-AR-15 propaganda and irrelevant media reports of mass shootings at the jury trial in the Michael Walker Open Carry case.

Here was my last update, wherein I posted our motion to exclude the unrelated matters from trial, if you haven’t been following along.

This response is an outrageous attack on the Second Amendment, which ironically was filed by lawyers for West Virginia’s first so-called “Second Amendment Sanctuary” county – Putnam County.  Yesterday we all appeared at the federal courthouse in Huntington, West Virginia, for the pretrial hearing on various motions, including this one.

It was almost surreal to hear the other side argue to the Court that by virtue of the fact that Michael was safely carrying a completely legal AR-15 style rifle, in a non-threatening manner, that police should be able to search and seize him just because the AR is the “preferred weapon of mass shooters,” and so on.  Citing news media reports about the Parkland shooting.  They actually argued in court, that it would not have been suspicious if he had a shotgun, or a handgun.  It was mentioned that AR-15s aren’t used for hunting in West Virginia.  Which is of course completely false, and besides the point.

This is a reality check for people who value the Second Amendment, as well as the Fourth Amendment.  If you live in the Fourth Circuit: West Virginia, Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina, or South Carolina, unless there’s a SCOTUS opinion on point, your constitutional interpretation/law comes from the Fourth Circuit. We’re on the edge….

Right now U.S. v. Black (2013), written by a federal appellate judge who is a staunch defender of the Second Amendment, Judge Gregory, whom I’ve had the honor of arguing in front of, protects citizens who open carry firearms in open carry states.  The police cannot harass you, detain you, search you, seize you, just by virtue of the fact you have a firearm. As we know from the past, that was the original purpose of gun control measures in many of the southern states, such as North Carolina (which is where US v. Black came out of).

Black was narrowed by US v. Robinson in 2017, which said that anyone in a vehicle lawfully stopped for whatever traffic violation, or pre textual reason whatsoever, can be disarmed and searched, because firearm possession automatically makes you dangerous.   Judge Gregory wrote an amazing dissent in that en banc opinion, which specifically mentions this scenario as it pertains to West-by-God-Virginia. However, that wasn’t extended to open carriers who are not already legitimately subjected to a forced encounter with police.  Well, they’re now trying to extend this to open carriers through anti-AR-15 propaganda.

If they succeed, guess what can happen next time thousands of open carriers bring their ARs to the state capitol in peaceful protest and free speech?  It’s game on if law enforcement wants to disarm you, run your background checks, search your pockets, etc. As Judge Gregory warned in the Robinson case dissent:

In my view, states have every right to address these pressing safety concerns with generally applicable and evenhanded laws imposing modest burdens on all citizens who choose to arm themselves in public. For instance, many states—though not West Virginia— seek to reconcile police safety and a right to public carry through “duty to inform” laws, requiring any individual carrying a weapon to so inform the police whenever he or she is stopped,4 or in response to police queries.5 And if a person fails to disclose a suspected weapon to the police as required by state law, then that failure itself may give rise to a reasonable suspicion of dangerousness, justifying a protective frisk.

West Virginia, however, has taken a different approach, permitting concealed carry without the need for disclosure or temporary disarmament during traffic stops. For the reasons described above, I do not believe we may deem inherently “dangerous” any West Virginia citizen stopped for a routine traffic violation, on the sole ground that he is thought to have availed himself fully of those state-law rights to gun possession. Nor, in my view, does the Fourth Amendment allow for a regime in which the safety risks of a policy like West Virginia’s are mitigated by selective and discretionary police spot-checks and frisks of certain legally armed citizens, by way of pretextual stops or otherwise. Cf. Delaware v. Prouse, 440 U.S. 648, 661, 99 S.Ct. 1391, 59 L.Ed.2d 660 (1979) (invalidating discretionary spot-checks of drivers for licenses and registrations in furtherance of roadway safety). Absent some “specific, articulable suspicion of danger” in a particular case, see United States v. Sakyi, 160 F.3d 164, 168–69 (4th Cir. 1998), West Virginia’s citizens, including its police officers, must trust their state’s considered judgment that the benefits of its approach to public gun possession outweigh the risks. See Northrup, 785 F.3d at 1133.

. . .

That is particularly so given that West Virginia does not require that people carrying firearms inform the police of their guns during traffic or other stops, even if asked. See supra at 50. Where a state has decided that gun owners have a right to carry concealed weapons without so informing the police, gun owners should not be subjected to frisks because they stand on their rights. Cf. Northrup, 785 F.3d at 1132 (“impropriety” of officer’s demand to see permit for gun being brandished in public is “particularly acute” where state has not only legalized open carry of firearms but also “does not require gun owners to produce or even carry their licenses for inquiring officers”). Under a different legal regime, different inferences could be drawn from a failure to answer an officer’s question about a gun. See supra at 50–11. But I do not think we may presume dangerousness from a failure to waive—quickly enough—a state-conferred right to conceal a weapon during a police encounter.

Again, I recognize that expanded rights to openly carry or conceal guns in public will engender genuine safety concerns on the part of police officers, as well as other citizens, who more often will find themselves confronting individuals who may be armed.

But where a sovereign state has made the judgment that its citizens safely may arm themselves in public, I do not believe we may presume that public gun possession gives rise to a reasonable suspicion of dangerousness, no matter what the neighborhood. And because the rest of the circumstances surrounding this otherwise unremarkable traffic stop do not add appreciably to the reasonable suspicion calculus, I must conclude that the police were without authority to frisk Robinson under Terry’s “armed and dangerous” standard.

Accordingly, I dissent.

United States v. Robinson, 846 F.3d 694, 714, 716 (2017).

Don’t forget that Heller, i.e., the Second Amendment, has not yet been extended outside one’s home. It hasn’t been applied to open carry yet, or anywhere outside the home in the Fourth Circuit – nor by SCOTUS. See United States v. Masciandaro, 638 F.3d 458, 475 (4th Cir. 2011), other courts are divided on the question, compare Moore v. Madigan, 702 F.3d 933, 936 (7th Cir. 2012) (recognizing that the “right to keep and bear arms for personal self-defense … implies a right to carry a loaded gun outside the home”); Palmer v. Dist. of Columbia, 59 F.Supp.3d 173, 181–82 (D.D.C. 2014) (holding that Second Amendment right recognized in Heller extends beyond home), with Peruta v. Cnty. of San Diego, 824 F.3d 919, 940 (9th Cir. 2016) (“[T]he Second Amendment does not protect the right of a member of the general public to carry concealed firearms in public.” (emphasis added)); Young v. Hawaii, 911 F.Supp.2d 972, 990 (D. Haw. 2012) (“[L]imitations on carrying weapons in public do[ ] not implicate activity protected by the Second Amendment.”); Williams v. State, 417 Md. 479, 10 A.3d 1167, 1178 (Md. 2011) (holding that regulations on carrying firearms outside the home are “outside of the scope of the Second Amendment, as articulated in Heller and McDonald“).

So, are Montani Semper Liberi, or not? It remains to be seen. Right now, definitely not in Putnam County. And if they get their way, neither here, nor our neighbors in Virginia, and below…..

Update on the Putnam Search Video Case

I’ll be in federal court tomorrow, Monday, February 3, for a pretrial hearing in the other Putnam County case with a video, and will potentially be meeting with additional witnesses afterwards, if there’s time.  If you have information, please let me know.

A few days back I had to trim the video in order to take out the local TV coverage of the task force guys, where they’re walking around the trailer park, banging on doors, etc. They claimed copyright on the footage and threatened to sick their lawyers on me.  So I just took that part down.  But I assume that you can find it on their site if you look for it. At some point, I’m sure it will be evidence of record anyways.

Since the original video was uploaded, the Putnam County Sheriff has ordered an internal investigation. Right now we’re awaiting the results of that investigation, and also proceeding with our own.

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I have personally met with investigators, and have provided them whatever they wanted out of my file.  I also made my client and an eyewitness available to them for questioning.  I also have received yet another video showing them inside an individual’s home, and I have also provided that to the investigators – with the individual’s consent, of course. Numerous other people have contacted us in regards to other situations involving this same group of guys, and I’m still in the process of speaking to them all.

Here are a few more photos which address important aspects of the situation. Here’s where the Putnam County Special Enforcement Unit cut the lock on my client’s gate at the end of driveway, before driving towards the house in a white truck, and what appears to be two black Ford Explorer unmarked police cruisers.

Here’s where the police officers climbed through the window to get inside the house.  They pushed in a window unit air condition. It was actually one of those indoor ACs, but it still requires a window unit for exhaust and drainage. This photos were taken immediately following the search.

Here’s where they yanked the surveillance camera cord. It’s of the type that has two plugs. One of the plugs was pulled out, and the other was ripped in half, leaving the connector still in place.

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How do we know it wasn’t already like that? Remember the part of the video where the guy in the SWAT outfit was walking across the bridge? (5:41 in the video) When he gets to the end of the bridge, it freezes. That’s this actual camera. And the point at which it freezes is when the damage occurs to the camera. I originally thought that camera had survived.  But no, that one was actually severed, and you see the moment it was severed.

Here’s the guy walking across the bridge:

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And here’s the exact moment that camera was disabled:

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As for what their defense is at this point, I don’t know.  But self-proclaimed “Bailiff” of the Putnam Sheriff’s Department did confront me on social media and try to set me straight on the facts, and the law. He implied that the officers entered with the landlord’s consent. The only problem with that is, a landlord cannot authorize law enforcement to search their tenant’s residence. That’s Fourth Amendment 101, which is why a search warrant is still required even to search the hotel room of an overnight guest (minus a ticking time bomb or something) They can’t just ask the hotel manager for permission to search. A warrant is still required. Secondly, the landlord was questioned very early on, and denied knowing anything about it. That may have been a lie.  But if it was, then they can point fingers at each other when it comes time to be placed under oath. But it still won’t be a defense to an illegal search by law enforcement.

As for a criminal investigation, I have no knowledge of any agency investigating them criminally.  That doesn’t mean it’s not happening. But nobody has notified myself, nor my client, of there being one. That’s why I believe it’s important to share this information with the public. In the end, the citizens should be informed of what their government is doing. Or not doing.

WV prison guard stops our client at gunpoint in Doddridge County, WV

Check out this new case. Police officer impersonation incident by a WV Division of Corrections CO / Parole officer. We met with investigators already, who were extremely concerned about what they saw here….

If you have any information, please contact us.

“Possession” as a Crime. Beware the do-gooders.

It’s been in the news the past few days, that the West Virginia Legislature is considering a bill which would legalize marijuana in the state. Introduced by the Democrats, it’s been the subject of knee-jerk criticism by many who claim to have conservative principles. This is yet another illustration of how many so-called conservative politicians misunderstand the conservative principle of “less government,” and even more importantly, the obscure concept of “liberty.”

Now, I have no desire to smoke anything but cigars, but stop and think for a moment . . . . Speaking of liberty, I wonder how Patrick Henry, George Washington, Benjamin Franklin,  or Alexander Hamilton, would have felt about the prospect of a legislature enacting laws criminalizing the possession of a particular plant? What about the criminalization of any object, just in general?

The Constitution, which all elected politicians took an oath to defend, and which all lawyers and judges took an oath to defend, was ratified in 1788. As of 1790, we had exactly thirty (30) federal crimes on the books. See Crimes Act of 1790. The crimes at that time were treason, misprision (concealing) of treason, piracy, counterfeiting (manufacturing), interference with diplomatic immunity, passport obstruction or assault on an ambassador, murder, manslaughter, mayhem (unlawfully cut off the ear or ears, or cut out or disable the tongue, put out an eye, slit the nose, cut off the nose or a lip, or cut off or disable any limb or member of any person….), larceny, misprision (concealment) of felony, obstruction of dissection, corruption of judicial records, perjury and subornation, judicial bribery, obstruction of judicial process, and prison break.

In 18th century, and early 19th century western civilization, criminalization of the possession of objects, drugs, alcohol, etc., was not a thing at all. On the other hand, the outlawing of drug and alcohol possession had long been a central component of Sharia Law, and Muslim dictatorships, as well as in regimes in the Far East:

The prohibition on alcohol under Islamic Sharia law, which is usually attributed to passages in the Qur’an, dates back to the 7th century. Although Islamic law is often interpreted as prohibiting all intoxicants (not only alcohol), the ancient practice of hashish smoking has continued throughout the history of Islam, against varying degrees of resistance. A major campaign against hashish-eating Sufis was conducted in Egypt in the 11th and 12th centuries resulting among other things in the burning of fields of cannabis . . . .

A number of Asian rulers had similarly enacted early prohibitions, many of which were later forcefully overturned by Western colonial powers during the 18th and 19th centuries. In 1360, for example, King Ramathibodi I, of Ayutthaya Kingdom (now Thailand), prohibited opium consumption and trade. The prohibition lasted nearly 500 years until 1851, when King Rama IV allowed Chinese migrants to consume opium. While the Konbaung Dynasty prohibited all intoxicants and stimulants during the reign of King Bodawpaya (1781–1819). As the British colonized parts of Burma from 1852 they overturned local prohibitions and established opium monopolies selling Indian produced opium.

In late Qing Imperial China, opium imported by the British East India Company was consumed by all social classes in Southern China. Between 1821 and 1837, imports of the drug increased fivefold. The drain of silver to India and widespread social problems that resulted from this consumption prompted the Chinese government to attempt to end the trade. This effort was initially successful, with the destruction of all British opium stock in June 1839 (see Destruction of opium at Humen). However, to protect their commerce, the British declared war on China in the First Opium War. China was defeated and the war ended with the Treaty of Nanking, which protected foreign opium traders from Chinese law.

The first modern drug law in the western world was in England in 1868.  The first law against drug possession in the U.S. wasn’t until 1875, from San Francisco, where it was attempted to stop the Chinese immigrants from enjoying their “opium dens.”

Politicians will be politicians, and now as of 2015, we now have over 5,000 federal crimes on the books – up quite a ways from the original 30 in the America as created by our founding fathers. In total, that’s 27,000 pages of descriptions of federal crimes in the U.S. code books. Although the U.S. consists of only about 5% of the world population, we incarcerate around 25% of the world’s prisoners. 40% of those are Black Americans. See The Overcriminalization of America, Charles G. Koch and Mark V. Holden, January 7, 2015.

As for state politicians keeping themselves busy attempting to keep their constituents safe, Arizona has over 4,000 statutory state-level crimes on its books (that’s in addition to the 5,000 federal crimes); North Carolina, where I went to law school, has added five sections to its criminal code each year since Wortd War II, and its legislature has added 318 new crimes since 2009 alone.” Anyone can be a criminal when there’s 5,000+ crimes to choose from:

The story of fisherman John Yates presents a second concern commonly raised about overcriminalization: arbitrary or abusive prosecution. Prosecutors brought charges against Yates and secured a felony conviction for a violation of the “anti-document-shredding” provision of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act. What did Mr. Yates do to deserve time in a federal prison? He threw three of the approximately 3,000 fish he caught that day back into the ocean because he knew they were undersized according to federal regulations, in effect destroying evidence. While the Supreme Court overturned his conviction eight years later, not everyone facing a similar situation has the chance to have the Supreme Court hear their case.

Our country was born out of the English common law, and where there is a void, our courts still look to the English common law for clarification on may topics of criminal law. It might surprise you to learn that the prosecution of crimes in our mother country was originally a private matter, rather than public.  There was no real police force anywhere.  Nor an army of prosecutors. The first real police force was created in 1829, and then that was only in London. The criminal justice system itself, was mostly privately operated and funded:

England in the 18th century had no public officials corresponding to either police or district attorneys. Constables were unpaid and played only a minor role in law enforcement. A victim of crime who wanted a constable to undertake any substantial effort in order to apprehend the perpetrator was expected to pay the expenses of doing so. Attempts to create public prosecutors failed in 1855 and again in 1871; when the office of Director of Public Prosecution was finally established in 1879, its responsibilities were very much less than those of an American district attorney, now or then. In 18th century England a system of professional police and prosecutors, government paid and appointed, was viewed as potentially tyranical and, worse still, French.

Under English law, any Englishman could prosecute any crime. In practice, the prosecutor was usually the victim. It was up to him to file charges with the local magistrate, present evidence to the grand jury, and, if the grand jury found a true bill, provide evidence for the trial.

In some ways, their system for criminal prosecution was similar to our system of civil prosecution. Under both, it is the victim who ordinarily initiates and controls the process by which the offender is brought to justice. There is, however, at least one major difference between the two systems. If the victim of a tort succeeds in winning his case, the tortfeasor is required to pay him damages. If the victim of a crime won his case, the criminal was hanged, transported, or possibly pardoned. The damage payment in civil law provides the victim with an incentive to sue. There seems to be no corresponding incentive under the 18th century system of private criminal prosecution.

See Making Sense of English Law Enforcement in the 18th Century, Santa Clara University School of Law, 2 U. Chi. L. Sch. Roundtable 475 (1995).

Somewhere we left our English common law heritage, and the heritage of western civilization itself, to embrace becoming a police state society, seeking to control every aspect of human life. Anglo-American criminal law did not seek to control, or somehow enhance society, but rather to punish violators, reimburse victims, and to prevent future misconduct.

It was the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East and the Far East, which for centuries kept their subjects under their control, and which is a criminal justice model based on what they see as enhancing the community, in the form they see as most proper. As Professor Dubber wrote, the inevitable result of this sort of a police vs. citizen dichotomy is a divided nation:

In the communitarian approach to the question of police control, the battle lines are clearly drawn. On the one hand is the community of potential victims, the insiders. On the other hand is the community of potential offenders, the outsiders. The boundaries of these communities are not fluid. One either belongs to one community or the other. And it is the duty of the community of potential victims to identify those aliens who have infiltrated its borders, so that they may be expelled and controlled, and their essential threat thereby neutralized.

Policing Possession: The War on Crime and the End of Criminal Law, Markus Dirk Dubber, Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, Vol. 91, Issue 4 (2001).

And here we are then, a divided country, full of people who would probably get along just fine as individuals, but who have been turned into competing interest groups in the politics of the criminal justice system.

Possession crimes were used against Black Americans, throughout the Jim Crow era, by depriving them of the right to possess firearms. The legacy of doing so, still reverberates today, constantly. This is where the so-called Constitution-loving conservatives suddenly realize, what a minute, you mean they can do that to me too?  But, but, but, I’m a law abiding citizen . . . .

The anxiety about gun control, i.e., the regulation of gun possession, arises from this tension, this uncertainty amongthose who once clearly identified themselves with the policers in their effort to control undesirables.

Privileged members of thepolitical community are appalled to find themselves treated bythe law, if not necessarily by its enforcers, as presumptively dangerous, and therefore as vagrants, felons, aliens, and “negroes.” Pointing to the Second Amendment, they challenge the state’s claim to original ownership of guns as dangerous instruments,with possession to be delegated to those deemed worthy. Men of “good moral character” balk at the requirement that they demonstrate their moral fitness to a state official.

They are, in short, experiencing the very sense of powerlessness so familiar to the traditional objects of police control. Now, they too are the outsiders who find themselves confronted with the arbitrary discretion of a superior power, the state. And this sense of alienation only grows when these state-defined sources of danger realize that state officials are exempt from the general prohibition of possession.

Id. at page 92. The point is, you can’t claim to value the Constitution, and the original intent of the Framers, just because you support the Second Amendment, while at the same time supporting the world’s largest collection of criminal laws, criminalizing everything from the plants you like, to the thoughts in your mind. Imagine telling George Washington that a modern day Virginian can’t even distill, or possess, his own whiskey, for his own personal use, without permission from the government . . . . That’s where we’ve ended up, thanks to generation of do-gooders.

And it can always get worse, if the politicians are allowed to continue creating new criminal law violations in order to shape society how they think it ought to look.  You might think the unsuccessful “War on Drugs,” in the U.S. has been bad.  But take a look at Singapore. 70% of their executions are for drug related offenses, including possession. Singapore’s “Misuse of Drugs Act” creates a presumption of trafficking based on amounts possessed by defendants.  This law allows police to search people’s homes and their persons without a search warrant, and based only on a police officer having suspicion. It also allows police to forcibly perform drug screens of anyone they suspect of drug use. Each listed drug has its own “mandatory death penalty” threshold. In other words, if you possess 30 grams of cocaine, the penalty is mandatory execution. If you possess 500 grams of marijuana, the death penalty is also mandatory. As little as 15 grams of marijuana is presumed trafficking and may lead to life in prison. Even with these Draconian anti-drug laws, drug abuse in Singapore still exists, and is still increasing. See also Singapore’s drug problem compounded by online availability, Channel News Asia, National Edition, Dec. 13, 2019.

Make no mistake, at the current trajectory, this is where we’re headed.  The Washington Post ran an opinion piece in March of 2018, praising Singapore, claiming that they were winning the “War on Drugs.” It reads like the Singaporean version of “Baghdad Bob” authored it.  Yet, as recently as a month ago, Asian news outlets reported that drug use is increasing there. Beware the do-gooders, and remember, just because a politician is elected, doesn’t mean he has to do anything. Hell, do nothing. That’d be great.  Or better yet, start taking some damned laws off the books.

 

Update on the Walker Case (Fourth Amendment Open Carry Lawsuit)

In case you’re following along with the Walker v. Donahoe, et al. Fourth Amendment open carry civil rights lawsuit, we have a jury trial scheduled for February 19, beginning at 8:30 a.m. at the federal courthouse in Huntington, West Virginia. As of right now it’s still on.  Both sides have asked the court for summary judgment, which basically means that both sides claim to have the law completely on their side.  The court has not ruled as of yet. Pretrial documents have been submitted, including motions in limine, which are trial issues anticipated by the parties, which are best argued prior to the start of the trial.  If you haven’t seen the video of the incident in dispute, here it is:

The defendants are seeking to exclude portions of this video showing the “investigatory detention” of Michael Walker by the Putnam County Sheriff’s Department.  Not surprisingly, they want the part of the video where the police officer calls Michael a “co*ksucker,” repeatedly, among other things to be kept away from the jury.  Here’s their argument:

Also not surprisingly, we strongly disagree.  Here’s our response.  The judge will decide at some point, and generally has the broad discretion to control the flow of what the jury gets to see, and what they don’t:

We also filed a few motions in limine of our own, including our attempt at stopping the defendants from bringing up the Parkland school shooting, which they have announced is their attention, and which has absolutely nothing to do with the case.  They are also seeking to make the case that because Michael had an AR-15 style rifle, that a reasonable officer could suspect him of being a potential school shooter, or something to that effect.  Which is of course highly offensive, and antithetical to both the Fourth Amendment and the Second Amendment to the U.S. Constitution:

In case you’re curious about the current status of laws pertaining to the open carrying of firearms in West Virginia, check out the last post I did on it.  It should still be the same. Of course, this case could change that if it doesn’t go our way…..

Update on the Drug Task Force Civil Rights Lawsuit out from Fayette County, W. Va.

Here’s an update on the Fourth Amendment civil rights lawsuit we filed in the Sizemore case, which involved a federal criminal prosecution which was dismissed following a federal judge making a finding that officers in the Central West Virginia Drug Task Force made false statements to a magistrate in order to illegally procure a search warrant. We filed suit to establish civil liability for a violation of the Fourth Amendment, which specifically requires probable cause and a search warrant.

Well, we made it past the defendants’ motions to dismiss, and now we are proceeding to the discovery stage, which is essentially the exchange of information and the questioning of witnesses via depositions. The federal court denied the motions, and has ruled that we get to proceed.

You can look back at my last update to read their argument, as well as our response.  As I predicted then, it didn’t turn out as they expected.

From the order:

First, I must note this Court is at a loss to understand Defendants’ assertion that because this case involves “a search warrant, rather than an arrest warrant,” it therefore “does not require a showing of probable cause.” Defs.’ Mem. Mot. Dismiss [ECF Nos. 6, 9]. More confusing, Defendants cite favorably to Illinois v. Gates, 462 U.S. 213 (1983), a case which describes the standard for probable cause in a search warrant. Though puzzling that this is necessary to explain to a member of the bar, “the Fourth Amendment requires that no search warrant shall issue without probable cause.” United States v. Daughtery, 215 F. App’x 314, 316 (4th Cir. 2007).

Indeed, the text of the Fourth Amendment, which has been in place since the adoption of our Constitution and Bill of Rights, states that individuals have the right to be protected “against unreasonable searches and seizures,” and “no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.” U.S. Const. amend. IV (emphasis added). And a search and seizure without probable cause is unreasonable. Miller, 475 F.3d at 627. This is especially true for searches of the home, which “is first among equals” regarding the Fourth Amendment. Yanez-Marquez v. Lynch, 789 F.3d 434, 464–65 (4th Cir. 2015) (quoting Florida v. Jardines, 569 U.S. 1, 6 (2013)).

Yep. It says “probable cause” in the Constitution. Hard to get around that…..

 

As previously explained, Defendant Morris violated Plaintiffs’ Fourth Amendment protections. Thus, the next question is whether the violated right was clearly established at the time of the events in question. “[I]t has long been established that when law enforcement acts in reckless disregard of the truth and makes a false statement or material omission that is necessary to a finding of probable cause, the resulting seizure will be determined to be unreasonable.” Gilliam v. Sealey, 932 F.3d 216, 241 (4th Cir. 2019); see Franks, 438 U.S. at 157.

As the Fourth Circuit has explained, “a reasonable officer cannot believe a warrant is supported by probable cause if the magistrate is misled by statements that the officer knows or should know are false.” Miller, 475 F.3d at 632 (quoting Smith v. Reddy, 101 F.3d 351, 355 (4th Cir.1996)).

Putnam County Creepy Task Force Search Video

Just in case you haven’t seen this making the rounds yet, I uploaded this to Youtube. It’s too big for this site, and I’m done hosting videos directly to Facebook, because they censor everything these days.  The video is pretty self-explanatory.  We will be filing a federal lawsuit.  If you know something, or you have a video of your own, or a similar incident, please let us know.

Episode 1 of the JOHN BRYAN PODCAST – impeachment, constitutional law, gun laws, self defense laws, and glucose meters are screwed up….

https://www.podbean.com/eu/pb-tqqbg-cb4067

Check out Episode 1 of the John Bryan PODCAST, where I pontificate on several topics, including impeachment evidence we’ve supposedly been hearing about, some search and seizure issues pertaining to the open carry of firearms, some self defense firearms issues, and a really crazy discovery that generic brand blood glucose meters, used by diabetics, are apparently way, way off……